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To his Springfield Friends on setting out for Washington. 



My Friends: 

No one not in my position can appreciate the 
sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all 
I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a 
century; here my children were born, and here one ot 
them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you 
again. A duty devolves upon me which is, perhaps, 
greater than that which has devolved upon any other 
man since the days of Washington. He never would 
have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, 
upon whom he at all time relied. I feel that I cannot 
succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained 
him, and on the same Almighty Being I place my reli- 
ance and support; and I hope you, my friends, will all 
pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without 
which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain 
Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell. 



Proclamation of Emancipation, 
|ij tljc praiknt of tijf KiiitelJ $kU5. 



Ill|]fvca0, On the twenty-second day of September, in 
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
two, a Proclamation was issued by the President ot the 
United States, containing, among other things the follow- 
ing, to wit : 

" That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons 
held as Slaves within any State or designated part of a 
State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against 
the United States, shall be then, thenceforth, and Fokevkr 
Free, and the Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authorities thereof, will 
Recognize and Maintain the Freedom of such persons, and 
will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or an}' of 
them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

■' That the Executive will, on the first day of January 
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of 
States, if any, in which the people thereof respcctfulK' 
shall then be in rebellion aiiainst the United States, and the 
fact that any State, or the people thereof shall on that day 



be in good iaith represented in the Congress of the Unitexl 
States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a 
nriiority of the quahfied voters of such State shall have 
participated, shall, in die absence of strong countervaihng 
testimony be deemed conclusive evidence that such State 
and die people thereof are not then in rebellion against die 
United States. 

T^om Uil)crcfarr, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Presi- 
dent OF THE United States, by virtue ot the power in 
me vested as Commander-in-Chief of die Army and Navy 
of the United States in time of actual armed Rebellion 
a-ainst the authority and government of the United States 
and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said 
Rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our 
lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and m 
accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaim 
for the full period of one hundred days from the day ol 
the first above-mentioned order, and designate, as the States 
and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively 
are this day in rebellion against the United States, the fol- 
lowino-, to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the 
Parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, 
St Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre 
Bonne, La Fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, 
including the City of Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama 
Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and 
\-ir-inia (except the forty-eight counties designated as 
We'It Virginia, and also in the counties of Berkely, Acco- 
mac, Nordiampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann. 
and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Ports- 



mouth), and which excepted parts are for the j->re.sent left 
precisely as if this Proclamation were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power and for the purpose afore- 
:^ald, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves 
within said designated States and parts of States are, and 
henceforward shall be free! and that the Executi\e 
Government of the United States, including the Military 
and Naval Authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain 
the freedom of said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be 
free, to abstain from all viol-nce, unless in necessary self- 
defence, and I recommend to them that in all cases, when 
allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 

And I further declare and make known that such 
persons of suitable condition will be received into the 
armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, posi- 
tions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all 
sorts in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of 
justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military neces- 
sity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and 
the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my name, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the 
[l. s.] Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. 

A. LINCOLN. 

By the President, 

WM. H. SEWARD. 

Secretary of State. 



Address at Gettysburg, 

November 19, 1863. 



Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought 
forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in 
Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are 
created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, 
testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and 
so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great 
battle-field of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion 
of it as the final resting-place of those who here gave their 
lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
and proper that we should do this. 

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not 
consecrate, we can. not hallow this ground. The brave 
men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated 
it far above our power to add or detract. The world will 
little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it 
can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the 
living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work 
that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather 
for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining 
before us — that from these honored dead we take increased 
devotion to the cause for which they here gave the last full 
measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that the 
dead shall not have died in vain — that the nation shall, 
under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that the 
Government of the people, by the people, and for the 
people, shall not perish from the earth. 



THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS 

OF 

lUresitrettt 2lbral)ain ftncoln, 

DELIVERED IN THE NATIONAL CAPITOL, 

March 4th, 1865. 



Fellow Countrymen : 

At this second appearing to take the oath of the 
Presidential Office, there is less occasion for an extended 
address than there was at the first. Then a statement 
somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed very 
fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, 
during which public declarations have been constantly 
called forth on every point and phase of the great contest 
which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies 
of the nation, little that is new could be presented. 

The progress of our arms — upon which all else chiefly 
depends — is as well known to the public as to myself; and 
it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. 
With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it 
is ventured. 

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, 
all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil 




war. All dreaded it ; all sought to avoid it. While the 
inaugural address was being delivered from this place, 
devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insur- 
gent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without 
war — seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects 
by negotiation. 

Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would 
make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other 
would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war 
came. 

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, 
not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in 
the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a pecu- 
liar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was 
somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate 
and extend this interest was the object for which the 
insurgents would rend the Union by war, while the Govern- 
ment claimed no right to do more than to restrict the 
territorial enlargement of it. 

Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or 
the duration which it has already attained. Neither antici- 
pated that the cause of the conflict might cease, even before 
the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier 
triumph and a result less fundamental and astounding. 

Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God, 
and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem 
strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assist- 
ance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's 
faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The 
prayers of both should not be answered. That of neither 
has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own 






purposes. Woe unto the world because of offences, f(^r it 
must needs be that offences come ; but woe to that man 
by whom the offence cometh. If we shall suppose that 
American Slavery is one of these offences — which, in the 
providence of God, must needs come, but which, having 
continued through His appointed time, He now wills to 
remove, and that he gives to both North and South this 
terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offence 
came — shall we discern there is any departure from those 
Divine attributes which the believers in a living God 
always ascribe to Him ? Fondly do we hope, fervently do 
we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass 
away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the 
wealth piled by the bondman's rwo hundred and fifty years 
of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of 
blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn 
by the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still 
it must be said that the judgments of the Lord are true 
and righteous altogether. 

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with 
firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let 
us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
nation's wound, to care for him who shall have borne the 
battle, and for his widow and orphans ; to do all which 
may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
ourselves and with all nations. 



A Poem Recited by Mr. Lincoln. 



To THE Editors of the Evening Post : 

I have been urged by several friends to send yf>n tlie 
enclosed poem, written down by myself from Mr. Lincoln's 
lips, and although it may not be new to all of your readers, 
the events of the last week give it now a peculiar interest. 

The circumstances under which this copy was written are 
these : I was with the President alone one evening in his 
room, during the time I was painting my large picture at the 
White House, last year. He presently threw aside his pen 
and papers, and began to talk to me of Shakespeare. He sent 
little " Tad," his son, to the hbrary to bring a copy of the 
plays, and then read to me several of his favorite passages, 
showing genuine appreciation of the great poet. Relapsing 
into a sadder stram, he laid the book aside, and leaning back 
in his chair said : 

" There is a poem which has been a great favorite with me for years, 
which was first shown to me when a young man by a friend, and which I after- 
wards saw and cut from a newspaper and learned by heart. I would," he 
continued, " give a great deal to know who wrote it, but I have never been 
able to ascertain." 

Then half closing his eyes he repeated to me the lines 
which I enclose to you. Greatly pleased and interested, I told 
him I would like, if ever an opportunity occurred, to write 
them down from his lips. He said he would some time try to 
give them to me. A few days afterwards he asked me to 
accompany him to the temporary studio of Mr. Swayne, the 
sculptor, who was making a bust of him at the Treasury 
Department. While he was sitting for the bust I was suddenly 
reminded of the poem, and said to him that thfn would be a 
good time to dictate it to me. He complied, and sitting upon 
some books at his feet, as nearly as I can remember, I wrote 
the lines down, one by one, from his lips. 

With great regard, very truly yours, 

F. B. CARPENTER. 



©Ij! mln stintttli \\jt §m\ 0f JMortal k from 



Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud *? 
Like a swift, fleeting meteor, a fast flying cloud, 
A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave, 
He passeth from life to his rest in the grave. 

I'he leaves of the oak and the willow shall fade. 

Be scattered around and together be laid; 

And the young and the old, and the low and the high 

Shall moulder to dust and together shall lie. 

I'he infant a mother attended and loved ; 
The mother that infant's affection who proved; 
The husband that mother and infant who blessed. 
Each, all, are away to their dwellings of Rest. 
The hand of the king that the sceptre hath borne; 
The brow of the priest that the mitre hath worn; 
The eye of the sage and the heart of the brave, 
Are hidden and lost in the depths of the grave. 

The peasant, whose lot was to sow and to reap; 

The herdsman who climbed with his goats up the steep ; 

The beggar, who wandered in search of his bread, 

Have fSled away like the grass that we tread. 

So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed 

That withers away to let others succeed; 

So die multitude comes, even those we behold. 

To repeat every tale that has often been told. 



For we are the same our tatliers have been : 
We see the same sights our fathers have seen — 
We drink the same stream and view the same sun — 
And run the same course our fathers have run. 

The thoughts we are thinking our fathers would think; 
From the death we are shrinking our fathers would shrink ; 
To tht^ life we are clinging they also would cling: 
But it speeds for us all, like a bird on the wing. 

They loved, but the story we cannot unfold ; 
They scorned, but the heart of the haughty is cold ; 
They grieved, but no wail from their slumber will come ; 
They joyed, but the tongue of their gladness is dumb. 

They died, aye ! they died ; we things that are now, 
That walk on the turf that lies over their brow. 
And make in tiieir dwellings a transient abode, 
Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage road. 

Yea I hope and despondency, pleasure and pain. 
We mingle together in sunshine and rain; 
And the smile and the tear, the song and the dirge, 
Still follow each other, like surge upon surge. 

'Tis the wink of an eye, 'tis the draught of a breath, 
From the blossom of health to the paleness of death, 
From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud — 
Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud I 



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